M A Baby is the General Secretary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist).
Two months ago, citing state-specific issues on the conduct of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the Electoral Rolls and raising legal concerns regarding the entire exercise, I had written to the Election Commission of India (ECI) as the General Secretary of the CPI(M). That letter was concluded by urging the ECI to “abandon an exercise which was turning into a war against the people.”
Back in September 2025, the Kerala Legislative Assembly had unanimously passed a resolution against the SIR, while it was being conducted in Bihar. The resolution highlighted that the conditions laid down in SIR would result in minorities, citizens belonging to SC/ST communities, as well as women and poor families being excluded from the election process. Through the resolution, CPI(M)’s PB member and Kerala Chief Minister, Pinarayi Vijayan, exhorted the ECI to desist from actions that could “potentially harm the people’s rights”.
The warnings in my letter and the KLA’s resolution now seem prophetic, especially with what has been unfolding in states like West Bengal as a result of the SIR exercise. It is against this backdrop – where the citizen’s constitutional right to vote is not being upheld – that Assembly Elections have been ongoing in four states and one union territory. Ever since the ECI announced the SIR in Bihar, immediately prior to the Assembly Election in the state, all major political parties in the country, barring the BJP, have raised strong opposition to it. We have even pointed out the lack of adequate consultations with political parties, which should have preceded such an overarching exercise.
Yet, the ECI was adamant, and went ahead with the SIR – not just in Bihar, but in twelve more states and union territories immediately after completion of the Bihar exercise – laying bare their partisan agenda. This points to a deep systemic rot in the democratic and constitutional institutions in India. The CPI(M) had rightly identified its cause in our 24th Party Congress held last year in Madurai. In our Political Resolution, we had stated that the “authoritarian drive to suppress the opposition and democracy displays neo-fascist characteristics”.
Erosion of Separation of Powers
India’s Constitution promised a republic rooted in justice, liberty, equality and fraternity. It was never meant to be a decorative text displayed on ceremonial occasions amidst the concentration of power in one centre and the hollowing out of democratic and constitutional institutions in practice. Yet that is precisely the danger India faces today. We are witnessing a systematic dismantling of constitutional arrangements, a weakening of democratic checks and balances, and an increasingly brazen effort to replace pluralism with authoritarian control.The authoritarian regime has eroded workers’ rights by implementing the Labour Codes. It has also snatched away the livelihoods of the rural poor by undoing the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). The recent workers’ strikes in the country and episodes of labour unrest in industrial establishments across Delhi-NCR underline the fact that the youth of our country are being left high and dry.
The most alarming development is the growing supremacy of the Executive. The Constitution clearly envisaged a balance among the Legislature, the Executive and the Judiciary. That balance is being steadily disrupted. Parliament is too often reduced to a forum for formalities rather than genuine deliberation, while crucial decisions are pushed through without adequate debate, reference to any parliamentary committee or democratic consensus. The recent Presidential Reference on bills’ assent timelines, followed by the Supreme Court’s advisory opinion that no fixed timeline can be imposed on the President or Governors, has raised serious questions about how constitutional delays and obstruction will now be checked. In effect, executive power is expanding not only in relation to Parliament, but also in relation to state governments and constitutional offices.
This erosion of separation of powers is not an abstract issue. It affects everyday governance and the very character of the republic. When the Executive claims a position above scrutiny, institutions lose their capacity to act as checks on arbitrary power. The result is not efficient governance but institutional intimidation. Laws and policies that should be shaped by consultation – for instance, the Delimitation Bill with far-reaching consequences for our republic – are instead being imposed by command. Federalism, which was meant to be one of the central strengths of the Indian constitutional order, is weakened by this centralising impulse.
Union-State and Foreign Relations
The resultant deterioration of Union-State relations is quite disturbing. The Constitution defines India as a union of states. But, under the fascistic RSS-controlled BJP rule, are we being reduced to a union without states? The office of the Governor was intended to be a constitutional office above partisan politics. Instead, Governors are increasingly used as instruments of central pressure against elected state governments. Delays in granting assent to Bills, interference in legislative matters and the broader pattern of obstruction all testify to a dangerous misuse of office. The federal principle cannot survive if states are reduced to administrative dependents of the Union. The Supreme Court’s recent Presidential Reference opinion, while acknowledging that inaction cannot be limitless, has still left troubling uncertainty about how constitutional discipline will actually be enforced.
India’s foreign policy too has been compromised by domestic ideological excess. For decades, our diplomacy was guided by strategic autonomy, non-alignment and a careful balancing of national interests. Today, foreign policy is increasingly shaped by internal polarisation and performative nationalism. Agreements that jeopardise India’s agriculture and Indian workers are being entered into with foreign countries. A country that aspires to global leadership cannot allow its international conduct to be reduced to mere propaganda. Foreign policy must serve national interest, not ideological vanity.
India stands at a crossroads. The constitutional republic envisioned in 1950 is being steadily weakened by centralisation and authoritarianism marked by institutional capture. This crisis also clarifies the task before us. We must defend federalism and democratic accountability with renewed seriousness. The republic survives only when citizens, movements and institutions are prepared to defend it. That is the task before each and every Indian today.
The Tribune is committed to publishing a diversity of opinions. We’d like to hear from you. Send your articles to our email: opinion@merotribune.com.
Follow the Mero Tribune on Facebook and Twitter.
Advertisement
